What Works in Welfare Reform
Evidence and Lessons to Guide TANF Reauthorization

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TANF Guide>Research Results


About the Author

MDRC Sr. VP
Gordon L. Berlin
distills lessons from MDRC studies of 29 programs.

 

Key TANF

Documents

 

Acknowledgment

Funding for this project was provided by the
Annie E.
Casey Foundation.

Research Results: What is Known

What difference did these policies make? To answer this question, this guide synthesizes findings from several major reports published by MDRC, which in turn draw on findings from 29 separate evaluations of welfare reforms undertaken in the 1980s and 1990s and from several evaluations currently under way (the 17 most recent of which are discussed in this report and listed in Table 1). These studies involved about 150,000 people living in 11 states and two Canadian provinces. Nearly all of them used rigorous random assignment research designs, wherein a lottery-like process was used to assign each welfare recipient either to a program group that was eligible for the new program being tested or to a control group that was neither eligible for the new program's services nor subject to its requirements but remained eligible for the state's old welfare program. Because recipients were assigned at random, there were no systematic differences between the program and control groups at the outset of each study, and any differences that later emerged can be confidently attributed to the program. Thus, the control group can be seen as a benchmark indicating what would have happened to recipients (and their families) under the old system had they not enrolled in the new program. Comparing the program and control groups' experiences with respect to a given outcome, such as earnings, yields estimates of the program's effect - or impact - on that outcome. For example, if control group members earned an annual average of $3,139 while program group members earned an annual average of $3,972, the program's impact on annual earnings would be $833. In this document, reported "increases" or "decreases" in outcomes are based on such program-control comparisons, and all the tables and figures show program impacts rather than outcome levels.

Although many of the programs examined here were launched prior to l996, the three key reform approaches - mandatory employment services, earnings supplements, and welfare time limits - are central to most states' current welfare programs. And the range of program strategies examined here faithfully reflects the diverse paths states have taken following TANF's legislation. Because the three approaches contribute distinct effects to the overall result - working sometimes in complementary ways and at other times at cross-purposes - states have to decide what emphasis to place on each.

These trade-offs and choices are illustrated in Table 2, which categorizes programs by reform approach and then presents average results from some of the most recently completed evaluations. Requiring welfare recipients to participate in mandatory employment services designed to help them prepare for and find jobs increases earnings and saves welfare dollars, but income does not change appreciably, and the approach neither helps nor harms children. Within the mandatory employment services category, "mixed" approaches that offer both job search and education or training, depending on individual needs, produce the largest earnings gains - about $1,150, on average, for mixed-program participants, or better than twice as much as the $550 that job-search-first program participants received, and nearly four times as much as the $300 gain of the average education-first program participant. By contrast, programs that combine mandates with earnings supplements also increase earnings but also raise public benefit receipt, and thus costs. These added costs have a payoff, however; the combination of higher earnings (up about $650) and higher benefit receipt (about $650 more) leads to dramatically higher household income (up some $1,300) and benefits for young children. Finally, adding time limits to the mix, as most states have done, creates a contradiction. Before the time limit, the results mirror those from earnings supplement programs (employment and income both rise); but after the time limit goes into effect, the results resemble those obtained from mandatory employment services (earnings gains are offset by welfare losses, and income remains unchanged).

To help policymakers understand the individual and combined effects of different policy approaches and come to better-informed decisions about how to address these trade-offs, this document looks closely at the effects of the different approaches in seven key areas - program participation and mandates, employment and earnings, welfare use, income and hardship, children's well-being, and family and marriage - and then draws the policy implications of the research findings for TANF reauthorization.

PARTICIPATION AND MANDATES: States have made large strides in increasing the percentage of welfare recipients who are working or participating in welfare-to-work activities, but it would be difficult for most states to meet even the original participation rates required under TANF.   More

EMPLOYMENT AND EARNINGS: A wide range of welfare reform strategies has increased employment and earnings among single mothers. Education and training played an important supporting role in the most effective programs. More

WELFARE USE:
Requiring participation in mandatory employment services and time-limiting benefits decreased welfare receipt.  More

INCOME AND HARDSHIP: Programs that supplemented earnings increased income; programs that relied solely on employment gains usually left income unchanged and did not change families' financial or material well-being substantially. More

CHILDREN: Whether or not children benefit depends on the program strategy and the age of the child.  More

FAMILY AND MARRIAGE: Little is known about how to promote marriage or strengthen families through welfare policies.  More

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