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Conclusion
Welfare reauthorization will likely set the agenda
for at least the next five years and possibly for as long as ten.
Thus, the revisions legislated today must be sturdy enough, flexible
enough, and prescient enough to meet the safety-net needs of the
nation's poor, not just through the current period of economic uncertainty
but into the next economic recovery and beyond. It will be a daunting
challenge, indeed, to ensure that the new law will be able to accommodate
the states' efforts to respond to the changing nature of the low-income
caseload and to redefine the mission and structure of welfare and
related social services agencies accordingly. As welfare caseloads
have fallen and employment has risen, the needs of the working poor
and the hard-to-employ have come into sharper focus. And now new
evidence showing that reform can also benefit younger school-aged
children without sacrificing the employment gains of their parents
has opened up a range of new options for states. As state agencies
sort out these developments - and what priority to place on each
- their choices will hinge largely on how much latitude a reauthorized
act allows them in respondng to the new landscape they will face.
The Bush administration's proposed plan provides a constructive
framework for addressing many of these issues, one that builds on
the work focus that research shows has driven much of TANF's success.
Notably, it adds the improvement of child well-being as a purpose
of TANF, and it acknowledges the need for education and training
and other services, including services for the hard-to-employ. From
a child-outcome perspective, the research evidence confirms that
the strategies states employ can play a vital role in improving
child well-being. Nearly every state now has in place policies that
would increase both employment and income and, thus, have the potential
to benefit young children's school performance. Without additional
efforts to resolve the inherent conflict between state incentive
policies and time limits, that potential may not be realized. The
reauthorization process could give states the tools to resolve this
issue.
With respect to education and training, the trade-off the Bush administration
proposes would toughen participation standards and eliminate the
caseload reduction credit, while giving states increased flexibility
to count education and training activities as satisfying program
requirements. But available evidence urges caution. To meet the
standards being proposed, the most successful state welfare programs
that have been evaluated would have to be restructured radically.
This restructuring could have the unintended effect of distorting
priorities, diverting resources, and driving up costs for child
care and work experience slots, with the potential consequence of
undermining the very success that is now being celebrated. Focusing
on universal engagement, broadening what counts, building better
information systems, and establishing benchmarks on actual participation
might be the best next steps.
Perhaps the greatest challenge facing TANF reauthorization is the
dawning reality that the rare confluence of exceptional economic
growth, supports for the working poor, and welfare reform that drove
employment to new highs and caseloads to modern-day lows is unlikely
to resume. Slower economic growth, higher rates of unemployment,
and a persistent state fiscal crisis have created an entirely new
context in which reform will have to drive further welfare caseload
reductions and increases in employment on its own. To respond effectively
in this new environment, states will need the flexibility, the resources,
and the know-how that the TANF reauthorization process can provide.
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